All previous historical movements were movements of minorities or in the interests of minorities.
It is a betrayal of the masses, who, sold to the bourgeoisie, writhe and choke from the stranglehold of Scheidemann and Legien.
The more easily still, since Russia had quite a long tradition of minority organisations trying to substitute for elementary mass activity. This was the first step in a great revolution. In spite of the confused results of the founding congress, not everything was lost yet for the German Communists. The USPD was a purely parliamentary party which did not want to stir the workers up into mass strikes and … If a Marxist tendency is not built in the PSUV of Venezuela and in other mass parties throughout the world, it will be very difficult to intervene decisively in the struggles that can determine the fate of the revolution.On the other hand it shows that discussions on perspectives are decisive and the conclusion that one draws is crucial at the moment of action. The action of the proletariat is a determining factor in history, and although we can no more jump over stages of historical development than a man can jump over his own shadow, still, we can accelerate or retard that development.
Unfortunately his valuable advice found no echo. Nobody organised this. As long as the revolutionaries do not have the force to bring down an institution, that is to say as long as we do not have the majority of the class won to our programme, we should use every platform to agitate for our ideas and win the maximum number of followers.Unfortunately, all this was not taken into account by the majority of delegates in the KPD(S) founding congress.According to Paul Frölich, Rosa Luxemburg did not have a pessimistic attitude, in spite of having been defeated on the main points at the KPD(S) founding congress.“Rosa simply declared that a new-born child always squalled at first... She expressed her firm conviction that the new party would eventually find the right path despite all its errors, because it embraced the best core of the German proletariat.” (Quoted in Pierre Broué, At first, she seemed to be right. Although Rosa Luxemburg was very much against starting the insurrection, once it was in motion she did not understand the necessity of making the retreat. Carrying icons, they came begging their beloved “little Father” – the Tsar – to help them against their exploiters. They thought that the struggle would continue inside the party, even when a big section of the party was heading towards a split.
How obsolete is this wish.
Only after the outbreak of the German Revolution on 29 December 1918 did the League finally sever its connections with the USPD and establish an independent party – the Communist Party of Germany (Spartakus).There had been constant pressure from the ranks of the revolutionaries to leave the SPD and later the USPD.
The revolutionary party, while conscious of its leading role, must beware of slipping into a way of thinking that the party is the fount of all correct thoughts and deeds, while the working class remains an inert mass without initiative.Of course through the theoretical analysis of the social conditions of struggle, Social Democracy has introduced the element of consciousness into the proletarian class struggle to an unprecedented degree; it gave the class struggle its clarity of aim; it created, for the first time, a permanent mass workers’ organisation, and thus built a firm backbone for the class struggle. As Radek said in a letter, in which he correctly compared the 'Spartacist insurrection' of January 1919 to Russia's 'July Days' of 1917:According to Radek, a tactical retreat was necessary. Hundreds of thousands of workers took to the streets. They spent the whole day in endless discussions while most workers returned to their homes.Both Karl Radek and other Spartacists such as Leo Jogiches and Paul Levi tried to convince Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht to make a temporary retreat.
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